How They Have Lost
In defeat, the Clintons are remarkably adept at picking up the pieces.
Hillary Clinton has always been the woman who doesn't quit. Her supporters testify to her stamina—how at an endless upstate meeting on agriculture subsidies, she asked penetrating questions when everyone else was asleep; how after umpteen drafts of an important policy address, she wrote the thing herself. Then there's her marriage, how after Bill embarrassed her in front of the world, she stuck by him. She thrives by outlasting everyone. The no-good husband and the cloying press corps, the boring pantsuits and the bad campaign food—all these would bring down most candidates. Not Hillary. She waits and works and wins.
Except when she and her husband lose. In their 35 years in public life, Bill and Hillary Clinton's list of Election Day losses is impressively short—a congressional race in 1974, a re-election for Arkansas governor in 1980 and the disastrous midterm elections of 1994. These setbacks brought out the dark side in both Clintons—his moodiness and self-pity, her paranoia and desire for revenge. But the Clintons have also shown a remarkable capacity to learn from their mistakes, to reinvent themselves and live for another day. After Barack Obama's string of 11 straight primary wins, a Clinton comeback seems improbable, but is far from impossible. The remaining days of the race may well be shaped by lessons learned in past moments of electoral despair.
Losing an election hits Bill Clinton hard. In "First in His Class," the definitive biography of the early Bill Clinton, David Maraniss describes a young Bill putting on a brave face after losing his student council-president election at Georgetown, while inside he is secretly crushed. "That one really hurt," Kit Ashby, a close Georgetown friend, recalled to Maraniss. "He hurts very badly when someone says, 'I don't like you, you're no damn good'." After the 1980 loss, an unexpected blow, Clinton sank into a deep funk. Wandering the streets of Little Rock, he'd stop to question strangers: "Why do you think I lost?"
For Hillary, defeat sometimes brings on paranoia. In August 1974, Hillary Rodham moved to Arkansas, where her boyfriend, Bill Clinton, was running for Congress. (The Clintons were married in 1975.) It was an improbable quest: the 28-year-old Clinton, fresh from Oxford and Yale, was running against an Arkansas institution, the incumbent Republican John Paul Hammerschmidt. But by election night, early word suggested a Clinton upset. When the late returns pushed Hammerschmidt over the top by just 6,000 votes, Clinton headquarters hummed with rumors of foul play. Ron Addington, a campaign aide, tells NEWSWEEK that Hillary was enraged and eager to take action. "You call the U.S. Attorney's Office," Addington recalls Hillary commanding. "We've got to make sure they don't steal this election." Both Clintons, Addington says, traveled to a courthouse in Ft. Smith, Ark., to watch votes being counted in the dead of night.
Hillary may have been fighting the good fight—questions persist about the legitimacy of Hammerschmidt's win—but Addington says Hillary's "overbearing" approach was too "by the book" for a laid-back Arkansas political campaign: "In Arkansas, you don't go and challenge the legality of the county courthouse counting the vote." Bill Clinton understood the broader political reality—he conceded in a friendly telegram to Hammerschmidt: "If I can ever be of service to you in your attempts to help the people of the Third Congressional District, please call on me."
It is in such moments of defeat that the Clintons display their remarkable ability to pick up the pieces. After the 1980 loss, they set about reinventing themselves as centrists. An early makeover target was their image as a couple. Hillary dropped her last name, Rodham, and became a public cheerleader for her husband's policies. A decade later, when the couple's White House agenda was rejected in the midterm elections of 1994, they took a similar approach, ending their "co-presidency" and diminishing Hillary's public role. "She viewed '94 as a rejection of her," says one Clinton administration official who declined to discuss the Clinton marriage on the record. "She knew she had to disappear for a while."
Losing, in other words, has taught Hillary that sometimes she must sacrifice herself for the Clintons' greater good. It is a lesson that may be worth remembering if she fails to reverse Obama's momentum on March 4. A protracted, nasty fight for the nomination would tarnish the Clinton name and might endanger the party Bill and Hillary have spent three decades trying to build. The Clintons' place in history is too valuable to them for Hillary to take that risk. In the history books, after all, she can be the woman who conceded gracefully—and the woman who never quit.
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Jonathan Darman was named Senior Writer and Political Correspondent in October of 2006. He travels the country profiling candidates for elected office and covering breaking news in national politics.
Prior to his current assignment, Darman was a General Editor in Newsweek's New York headquarters. In that role, he authored or co-authored major profiles of newsmakers in politics and media ranging from former Vice Presidential candidate John Edwards to controversial New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin to 2008 presidential hopeful Gov. Mark Warner. His May 2006 cover story, "The Mystery of Mary Magdalene," separated fact from fiction in the life of Christianity's most fascinating woman. In September of 2005, he spent three weeks covering the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Darman contributed to three Newsweek cover packages on the storm, reporting from the decimated coastline of Biloxi, from an Air Force helicopter hovering over New Orleans and from the private office of Mississippi Governor Hailey Barbour.
Previously, Darman had been an associate editor. In May, 2004 he joined the Campaign 2004 Special Project team as a correspondent. In that position he followed the Kerry/Edwards campaign, reporting from behind-the-scenes for the special issue that Newsweek published two days after Election Day. The special issue won the 2005 National Magazine Award for Single Topic Issue. Public Affairs published "Election 2004: How Bush Won and What You Can Expect in the Future," an expanded version of the campaign narrative, in January 2005. It was a national bestseller.
From February to May 2004, Darman was an associate editor for Newsweek.com where he covered everything from the real estate bubble to reality TV. He also helped conceive and edit GenNext, Newsweek's coverage of youth voters in the 2004 election. Newsweek asked five college journalists to write essays during the campaign and polled voters 18-29 years old each month on campaign issues. Before joining Newsweek as a full-time staffer, Darman held internships in the magazine's Washington and Los Angeles Bureaus and at Newsweek.com.
Darman graduated magna cum laude from Harvard with an A.B. in history and literature. A native of McLean, Virginia, he lives in New York City.
For inquiries, please contact The Daily Beast at editorial@thedailybeast.com.




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