All Locked Up and No Place to Go
Why can't the Brits deport a suspected terror figure?
A British appeals court Wednesday blocked the government of Prime Minister Gordon Brown from deporting to Jordan a firebrand Islamic cleric who has long been suspected of close ties to Al Qaeda. The court's rationale: there were reasonable grounds to believe the Jordanians would jail him for life based on evidence obtained through the torture of other detainees.
The court ruling is the latest example of how the alleged use of torture is complicating efforts by the United States and its allies to prosecute high-profile terror suspects and their associates. In this case, the suspect at issue, Abu Qatada, is a notorious radical imam who, British authorities charge, has inflamed British Muslims with his anti-Western sermons. All the while, he has maintained "long-established connections with Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda," according to a British government dossier entered into evidence in his court case. Abu Qatada has always denied being an Al Qaeda operative or leader, although in an interview broadcast after 9/11 he said that even though he has never met Osama bin Laden he would have been "proud" to have done so.
British authorities sought to deport Abu Qatada to his native country, Jordan, where he has twice been convicted in absentia for conspiracy to commit terrorist activities and was sentenced to life in prison. But the three-judge panel of the Court of Appeals for England and Wales stopped the move on the grounds that it would violate Abu Qatada's human rights. The court cited Jordan's long history of using torture against terror suspects, and pointed to a 2006 Amnesty International report detailing "persistent complaints of torture" against suspects in "incommunicado detention" by Jordanian security forces. Human Rights Watch, a group that campaigns against the use of torture, released a report this week that described how detainees held by Jordan's intelligence service, known as the GID, were allegedly subjected to brutal beatings and threats of rape. The report claimed that from 2001 to at least 2004, the GID served as a "proxy jailer" for the Central Intelligence Agency. The organization claimed that "more than just warehousing these men, the GID interrogated them using methods that were even more brutal than those in which the CIA has been implicated to date." In one such instance, a Jordanian detainee, in a note smuggled out of a GID detention facility in 2003, claimed that he had been "threatened ... with electricity ... and with snakes and dogs ... [They said] we'll make you see death."
A spokesman for the Jordanian Embassy in Washington could not be reached for comment. In the past, the Jordanian government has repeatedly denied that it engages in torture.
The British government said it plans to appeal the court's ruling. A government spokesman said that Abu Qatada, who has been detained without trial since 2005, "will remain behind bars."
The issue is especially sensitive for the CIA. After the 9/11 attacks, the agency flew a number of terror suspects picked up in Afghanistan and elsewhere to prisons in Jordan, Egypt and Morocco. The fate of many of these suspects, who were transported under what is known as the CIA's "extraordinary rendition" program, remains unknown. Bush administration officials have repeatedly insisted that Jordan and other countries reassured them that suspects would not be tortured. Asked for comment, a CIA spokesman said: "Renditions are a lawful, valuable tool and they have been used for years to take terrorists off the streets. The United States does not transport individuals for the purpose of torture, and has no interest in any process that would produce bad intelligence. The agency does not, as a rule, comment publicly on allegations of specific rendition activities."
Meanwhile, British security agencies have struggled with the country's courts over how to deal with Islamic militants and Al Qaeda sympathizers who have taken up residence there. The U.S. Treasury Department named Abu Qatada as an alleged terrorist financier. His U.S. assets were frozen immediately following the 9/11 attacks, an indication at the time that American authorities believed he was a guru to pro-bin Laden extremists in Europe. Officials in the U.S. and the U.K. subsequently alleged that Qatada had served as a spiritual guide to Zacarias Moussaoui, the convicted associate of the 9/11 hijacking team, and Richard Reid, who tried to blow up a transatlantic airliner in late 2001 using a bomb planted in his shoe.
In the months after 9/11, the British government, then led by Prime Minister Tony Blair, passed tough new antiterrorism laws designed to empower authorities to take alleged troublemakers like Abu Qatada off the streets, even if there was insufficient evidence to charge and convict them for any specific crime. When authorities initially went to arrest Abu Qatada under the new laws in late 2001, however, he disappeared. He was found nearly a year later hiding out at an apartment not far from the central London headquarters of both M.I.5, Britain's counterintelligence service, and M.I.6, the legendary U.K. foreign spy agency.
Abu Qatada was arrested and offered the choice of either returning voluntarily to Jordan or remaining in detention in the U.K. without trial. He chose to stay in Britain. During his imprisonment, some British and American officials believed he still managed to pass messages to extremists that may have triggered terrorist plots, though no charges were ever brought. After the U.K. courts invalidated one version of the post-9/11 detention law, Abu Qatada was temporarily released from prison, only to be locked up again after a new version of the law was passed. With the latest court decision blocking moves to forcibly deport him to Jordan, Abu Qatada remains in legal limbo.
A summary of British intelligence reporting on Abu Qatada is included in the now-invalidated government ruling that authorized the cleric's deportation to Jordan. Among other things, the dossier alleges that Abu Qatada had "long established connections with Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda," and that he declared in a sermon three days after 9/11 that the attacks were part of a wider battle between Islam and Christianity and were a response to America's unjust policies. The dossier says that since 1995, Abu Qatada had encouraged terrorism outside the U.K. by groups such as the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), North Africa's GSPC and Egyptian Islamic Jihad (all of which eventually became associated to some degree with Al Qaeda). The dossier says numerous videos featuring Abu Qatada were found in the Hamburg, Germany, apartment of lead 9/11 hijacker Muhammad Atta; the papers also claim that Abu Qatada was friendly with Al Qaeda deputy leader Ayman al-Zawahiri. Though Abu Qatada "is not formally a member of Al Qaeda," the report says, quoting M.I.5, "their interests overlap to a high degree."
The British government dossier includes an intriguing acknowledgement that in 1996-97, Abu Qatada was interviewed on three occasions by M.I.5 officers. The dossier says that Abu Qatada agreed to use his influence to "minimize the risk of a violent response" in the event that authorities went ahead with the deportation and extradition of a U.K.-based leader of the GIA. After Abu Qatada went underground when authorities came to get him in late 2001, some media reports alleged that he was a British intelligence informant and that M.I.5 or M.I.6 had somehow stashed him away. British officials repeatedly denied these charges, and the official U.K. government dossier says that even though Abu Qatada did talk to M.I.5 some 10 years ago, he never provided any information "enabling attacks to be prevented, warned his congregation to be wary of M.I.5's approaches, and provided them with physical descriptions and names of M.I.5 officers approaching Muslims."
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Michael Isikoff has been an award-winning investigative correspondent for Newsweek since 2004. He has written extensively on the U.S. government's war on terrorism, the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, presidential politics and other national issues. His book, "Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War," co-written with David Corn, was an instant New York Times best-seller when it was published in September, 2006. The book was hailed by the New York Times Book Review as "fascinating reading" and "the most comprehensive account of the White House's political machinations" in the run up to the war in Iraq. Since January 2009, Isikoff has been an MSNBC contributor, making regular appearances on the Rachel Maddow Show and Hardball w/ Chris Matthews.
Ever since the events of September 11, Isikoff has broken repeated stories about the U.S. government's war on terror and won numerous journalism awards. His blog "DeClassified: Investigative Reporting in Real Time," which appears regularly on Newsweek's Web site and is written with MarkHosenball, has become a must-read for senior U.S. intelligence officials. Isikoff and Hosenball won the 2005 award from the Society of Professional Journalists for best investigative reporting online.
Isikoff's June 2002 Newsweek cover story on U.S. intelligence failures that preceded the 9-11 terror attacks, along with a series of related articles, was honored with the Investigative Reporters and Editors top prize for investigative reporting in magazine journalism. He was honored, along with a team of Newsweek reporters, by the Society of Professional Journalists for coverage of the Abu Ghraib scandal. For that coverage, Isikoff obtained exclusive internal White House, Justice Department and State Department memos showing how decisions made at the highest levels of the Bush administration led to abuses in the interrogation of terror suspects. Isikoff was also part of a reporting team that earned Newsweek the National Magazine Award for General Excellence in 2002, the highest award in magazine journalism, for their coverage of the aftermath of the September 11 terror attacks.
Isikoff's exclusive reporting on the Monica Lewinsky scandal gained him national attention in 1998, including profiles in The New York Times and The Washington Post and a guest appearance on "Late Show with David Letterman." His coverage of the events that lead to President Bill Clinton's impeachment earned Newsweek the prestigious National Magazine Award in the Reporting category in 1999. Isikoff's reporting also won the National Headliner Award, the Edgar A. Poe Award presented by the White House Correspondents Association and the Gerald R. Ford Journalism Prize for Reporting on the Presidency. In 2001, Isikoff was named on a list of "most influential journalists" in the nation's capital by Washingtonian magazine.
Isikoff is the author of "Uncovering Clinton: A Reporter's Story," a book that chronicled his own reporting of the Lewinsky story and was hailed by a critic for The Washington Post-Los Angeles Times news service as "the absolutely essential narrative of the scandal with revelations that no one would have thought possible." The book, also a New York Times bestseller, was named Best Non-Fiction Book of 1999 by the Book of the Month Club.
Isikoff came to Newsweek from The Washington Post, where he had been a reporter since September 1981. There he covered the Justice Department and the Persian Gulf War, reported on international drug operations in Latin America and worked on the Post's financial news desk. Isikoff graduated from Washington University with a B.A. in 1974 and received a Masters in Journalism from Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism in 1976.
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