The Prince and the Prime Minister
A British court slams Bandar and the Brits.
A scathing British court ruling could create more legal problems for Prince Bandar, head of Saudi Arabia's National Security Council and the former Saudi ambassador in Washington, over his alleged role in a massive multimillion-dollar bribery scheme involving a major British aerospace firm.
The Justice Department is investigating allegations that U.K.-based British Aerospace Systems (BAE) paid millions of dollars in bribes to Bandar and other Saudi officials—in possible violation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Bandar, whose close ties to the Bush family earned him the nickname "Bandar Bush," has retained former FBI Director Louis Freeh to represent him in connection with the Justice Department probe. A spokesman said Freeh was traveling overseas and could not be reached for comment.
Last week the British High Court ruled that then-Prime Minister Tony Blair's government may have interfered with the rule of law in December 2006, when it ordered the British government's Serious Fraud Office to shut down its own bribery investigation, allegedly after Bandar threatened to cut off Saudi cooperation with U.K. terrorism investigations if the inquiry continued. The ruling could pressure the fraud office to reopen its own shuttered investigation into the alleged scandal. (Bandar's representatives have repeatedly denied that he engaged in any wrongdoing).
A U.S. court recently froze Bandar's American assets after a Michigan pension fund with holdings in BAE sued to recover $2 billion in bribes the company had allegedly paid Bandar since 1986. Noting that Bandar had recently sold at least three U.S. properties that it claimed were purchased with BAE bribe money, the pension fund earlier this year persuaded U.S. District Court Judge Rosemary Collyer to issue a temporary injunction banning Bandar from selling any more U.S.-based property while the order is in force. (Bandar allegedly sold two residences in Aspen, Colo., one for $8.6 million and another for $3.925 million, according to court papers filed by the pension fund's lawyers. According to the court documents, Bandar still owns his sprawling Hala Ranch, a 95-acre property in Aspen said to feature 15 bedrooms, 16 bathrooms, a private barbershop and beauty salon, its own sewage treatment plant, sculpture gardens, fish ponds, ski trails, a massive hot tub and a barbecue pit large enough to roast goats. The property was valued at $135 million in 2006.)
Bandar is represented in the pension fund lawsuit by William Bradford Reynolds, the chief of the Justice Department's civil rights division during the Reagan administration. Reynolds did not respond immediately to a message from NEWSWEEK requesting comment.
Although Bandar has been rarely seen in the United States over the past year, a senior U.S. official who met with him last year said he has occasionally resurfaced to express his pique over the inquiries into the BAE matter. "He was mad, he was angry, he was in a snit," said one U.S. official who met with Bandar last year after the Justice Department had begun its probe. "He felt he was being treated unfairly."
The British court ruling strongly criticized the actions of both Bandar and senior members of the British government, including former prime minister Tony Blair. The court said that if a person subject to British criminal law—which Bandar, as a foreign government official and diplomat, is not—had made the kind of threats to U.K. officials that the Saudi prince allegedly did, he would "risk being charged with an attempt to pervert the course of justice." In Britain "perverting the course of justice" is the equivalent of obstruction of justice in the United States.
In the ruling, British judges Sir Alan Moses and Sir Jeremy Sullivan said that Blair and his administration were wrong to pressure prosecutors at the government's Serious Fraud Office to shut down a long-running bribery investigation. Blair's government announced in December 2006 that it had ordered the investigation stopped on national security grounds, indicating that representatives of the Saudi government had threatened to cut off cooperation with U.K. authorities on antiterrorist operations if the corruption inquiry was not quashed. Justices Moses and Sullivan said that both Bandar's threats and the fact that Blair's government gave into them were an affront to the British judicial system and the rule of law. "No one, whether within this country or outside, is entitled to interfere with the course of our justice," the judges declared. But the judges did not directly order the British government, now headed by Blair's successor, Gordon Brown, to reopen its investigation of British Aerospace's dealings with Bandar and the Saudis—indicating instead that they expected to hear further arguments on the subject.
Brown is scheduled to pay a visit to the United States this week and will meet with President Bush as well as all three of the major candidates to succeed him. A U.K. government official said that there are no plans to discuss the British Aerospace investigation with U.S. officials.
A spokeswoman for the Home Office, the British government department responsible for internal security, confirmed Wednesday that the U.S. Justice Department had asked for help with its investigation. Some British commentators have suggested that the Home Office, at the direction of top British government ministers, is sitting on the Justice Department's request in an effort to kill or stall the American inquiry. The Home Office spokeswoman denied that her agency was in any way trying to hamper the U.S. investigation. Instead, she said the U.S. request for assistance was "receiving due consideration." A Justice Department spokesmen declined to comment. But a U.S. law enforcement official acknowledged that the U.S. probe of British Aerospace was still in progress.
The British Aerospace investigations in Europe and in the United States remain a major embarrassment for the Saudi government, and in particular for Prince Bandar. For many years he was a close confidant of American presidents, including both the current President Bush and his father. As NEWSWEEK reported last year, hundreds of pages of confidential U.S. bank records may help illuminate the allegations that British Aerospace funneled up to $2 billion in questionable payments to Bandar. The BBC and the Guardian newspaper reported last year that the company made "secret" payments to a Washington, D.C., bank account controlled by Bandar. The payments are alleged to be part of an $80 billion military aircraft deal between London and Riyadh.
The Riggs Bank records, obtained by NEWSWEEK, include a November 2003 "suspicious activity report" that the bank filed with the Treasury Department. It disclosed that over a four-month period $17.4 million had been disbursed from the Saudi defense account to a single individual in Saudi Arabia. When Riggs officials asked the Saudis who the person was and why he was receiving the funds, they were told the individual "coordinates home improvement/construction projects for Prince Bandar in Saudi Arabia," and the payments were for a "new Saudi palace," one document shows. In another instance Bandar wired $400,000 from a Riggs account to a luxury car dealer overseas.
When NEWSWEEK reported on these documents, Tom Rose, a British lawyer for Bandar, denied that the Saudi prince had received "improper secret" commissions. He said the BAE funds were actually being paid into a Saudi Defense Ministry account over which Bandar had signature authority, but any payouts from those accounts "were exclusively for purposes approved" by the ministry. A BAE spokesman said, "We deny all allegations of wrongdoing."
In recent months Bandar's role inside Saudi Arabia has been substantially reduced. When Bush visited Saudi Arabia in mid-January he asked after the former ambassador. "Where's my pal Bandar?" Bush said at one high-level meeting, according to a source close to the Saudis who requested anonymity discussing sensitive matters. The president was told that Bandar was unavailable. When Vice President Dick Cheney visited Saudi Arabia last month, Bandar "was nowhere to be seen," said the source. "He is no longer the central actor in U.S.-Saudi relations that he was for 20 years," said Nat Kerns, the editor of Foreign Reports, who closely tracks developments in the kingdom.
Last week's British High Court ruling is scathing in its description of both Bandar's behavior and the Blair government's alleged capitulation to the prince's threats. Quoting from internal British government documents, the judges said that professional investigators at the Serious Fraud Office initially resisted pressure from elected members of Blair's government to curb its Bandar-related investigation, suggesting it would be inappropriate for the British government to take seriously threats from a person who, like Bandar, was himself under investigation.
Though it turned over a considerable amount of internal documentation to the courts, the judges said the British government refused to make public precise details of the threats Bandar and other Saudi officials allegedly made to British authorities. Last June the London Sunday Times reported that Bandar allegedly told Jonathan Powell, a top adviser to Blair, that a big Saudi-U.K. arms deal could be stopped and "intelligence and diplomatic relations would be pulled" if the British didn't pull the plug on the investigation. According to a witness statement submitted to the court, Robert Wardle, the prosecutor in charge of the British Aerospace probe, was told in a September 2006 letter that the Saudi ambassador to Britain had warned a U.K. official that "British lives on British streets were at risk" if the investigation was allowed to continue.
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Michael Isikoff has been an award-winning investigative correspondent for Newsweek since 2004. He has written extensively on the U.S. government's war on terrorism, the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, presidential politics and other national issues. His book, "Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War," co-written with David Corn, was an instant New York Times best-seller when it was published in September, 2006. The book was hailed by the New York Times Book Review as "fascinating reading" and "the most comprehensive account of the White House's political machinations" in the run up to the war in Iraq. Since January 2009, Isikoff has been an MSNBC contributor, making regular appearances on the Rachel Maddow Show and Hardball w/ Chris Matthews.
Ever since the events of September 11, Isikoff has broken repeated stories about the U.S. government's war on terror and won numerous journalism awards. His blog "DeClassified: Investigative Reporting in Real Time," which appears regularly on Newsweek's Web site and is written with MarkHosenball, has become a must-read for senior U.S. intelligence officials. Isikoff and Hosenball won the 2005 award from the Society of Professional Journalists for best investigative reporting online.
Isikoff's June 2002 Newsweek cover story on U.S. intelligence failures that preceded the 9-11 terror attacks, along with a series of related articles, was honored with the Investigative Reporters and Editors top prize for investigative reporting in magazine journalism. He was honored, along with a team of Newsweek reporters, by the Society of Professional Journalists for coverage of the Abu Ghraib scandal. For that coverage, Isikoff obtained exclusive internal White House, Justice Department and State Department memos showing how decisions made at the highest levels of the Bush administration led to abuses in the interrogation of terror suspects. Isikoff was also part of a reporting team that earned Newsweek the National Magazine Award for General Excellence in 2002, the highest award in magazine journalism, for their coverage of the aftermath of the September 11 terror attacks.
Isikoff's exclusive reporting on the Monica Lewinsky scandal gained him national attention in 1998, including profiles in The New York Times and The Washington Post and a guest appearance on "Late Show with David Letterman." His coverage of the events that lead to President Bill Clinton's impeachment earned Newsweek the prestigious National Magazine Award in the Reporting category in 1999. Isikoff's reporting also won the National Headliner Award, the Edgar A. Poe Award presented by the White House Correspondents Association and the Gerald R. Ford Journalism Prize for Reporting on the Presidency. In 2001, Isikoff was named on a list of "most influential journalists" in the nation's capital by Washingtonian magazine.
Isikoff is the author of "Uncovering Clinton: A Reporter's Story," a book that chronicled his own reporting of the Lewinsky story and was hailed by a critic for The Washington Post-Los Angeles Times news service as "the absolutely essential narrative of the scandal with revelations that no one would have thought possible." The book, also a New York Times bestseller, was named Best Non-Fiction Book of 1999 by the Book of the Month Club.
Isikoff came to Newsweek from The Washington Post, where he had been a reporter since September 1981. There he covered the Justice Department and the Persian Gulf War, reported on international drug operations in Latin America and worked on the Post's financial news desk. Isikoff graduated from Washington University with a B.A. in 1974 and received a Masters in Journalism from Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism in 1976.
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