Who's Watching the Spies?
The civil liberties board goes dark under Bush.
The White House has rejected House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's pick for a newly created U.S. government civil liberties board--a move that may doom efforts to get the panel up and running while President Bush remains in office.
Without any public announcement, the White House recently sent a letter to Capitol Hill stating it would nominate only one of two names recommended by congressional leaders to sit on the five-member civil liberties panel. The candidate whose name it would not forward: Morton Halperin, a veteran and sometimes controversial civil liberties advocate who has a famous role in the history of modern debates over government wiretapping. While serving on the National Security Council during the early days of the Nixon administration, Halperin's phone was secretly wiretapped by the FBI because his then boss, Henry Kissinger, suspected he was leaking to the press.
The White House gave no explanation for why it had vetoed Halperin from serving on the civil liberties panel. But the move prompted Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid to tell the White House that the Senate, in retaliation, will not move any of President Bush's three candidates for the panel (one of whom, Ronald Rotunda, was once a legal adviser to former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld).
"How would we ever get our nominees confirmed if we could only confirm Republicans?" explained Jim Manley, Reid's spokesman, when asked about the majority leader's hardball stand.
A White House spokesman declined comment on the dispute. But neither White House officials or congressional sources (most of whom declined to be quoted by name talking about politically sensitive confirmation issues) agreed that there is one major consequence of the stalemate: the only government board specifically charged with monitoring the impact of U.S. government actions on civil liberties and privacy interests has a decreasing chance of ever actually meeting, much less doing anything, for the rest of the year.
Although it was first mandated by Congress in Dec. 2004, and reauthorized with newly independent powers nearly a year ago, the civil liberties board exists today in name only. It has no office, no staff and no members. (An earlier incarnation of the board—attacked by critics as a rubber stamp for the White House—went out of business last February.) . "It's disgraceful," said Richard Ben-Veniste, a member of the 9/11 commission, which first recommended that the board be created to protect civil liberties affected by the war on terrorism.
As Ben-Veniste and others note, the impasse over the board comes at a time when both Congress and the Bush administration are moving forward on multiple issues that potentially have deep consequences for civil liberties. The Senate this week is expected to approve a surveillance bill giving the government expanded new powers to wiretap U.S. citizens. The Justice Department is drafting guidelines that would give the FBI more latitude to use informants to secretly spy in Arab-American or Muslim communities. The Department of Homeland Security is moving ahead on a controversial new program to use Pentagon spy satellites for domestic purposes.
All these and more would be prime issues for the civil liberties board to consider—and in some cases, presumably raise red flags about. (The board is charged under the law with the authority to independently investigate the impact such measures might have on civil liberties and to provide regular reports to the Congress.) But some Democrats would just as soon wait, in hopes that an Obama administration will take office and appoint members who they believe will be more sympathetic to the core mission of the board. "If Bush makes his three appointments, then he'll have control of the board long after he leaves office," said Rep. Carolyn Maloney, a New York Democrat who was chief sponsor of the bill last year that reconstituted the civil liberties board with new expanded and independent powers. "If the goal is to proect civil liberties, you might have a stronger board by waiting."
For his part, Halperin said he only learned last week—when he got a phone call from an aide in Pelosi's office—that the White House considered him unacceptable for a new round of government service. "I'm more than disappointed," Halperin told Newsweek. "I think they owe me an explanation and they haven't given me one."
In contrary to his reputation in some circles as a civil liberties firebrand, Halperin noted he actually supports the new White House backed-surveillance bill-–and even wrote an op-ed in The New York Times on Tuesday endorsing the measure. (Neither his op-ed nor the Times made any mention that he had been recommended by Pelosi to serve on the civil liberties panel.) But Halperin also acknowledged there are plenty of reasons the White House might have been reluctant to formally nominate him for a federal panel. A former Clinton administration official (he served as senior director for democracy in the National Security Council) who has more recently been affiliated with the Center for American Progress, a Democratic-oriented think tank, Halperin has been a fierce critic of Bush administration policies. Just days after President's warrantless wiretapping program was first disclosed in December 2005, Halperin said in a statement (still linked on the Center for American Progress’ website: "By secretly authorizing the National Security Agency to wiretap the phones of American citizens, President Bush has demonstrated his utter contempt for the laws that have guided his predecessors in times of great national peril. This revelation…underscores the lawlessness and moral bankruptcy of this White House."
As if that weren't enough to disqualify him, Halperin now works as executive director of the Open Society Policy Center--one of the many public policy outfits created and bankrolled by George Soros, the billionaire investor who has been a prime funder of Democratic independent expenditure groups that worked hard to defeat Bush in 2004 (and are now trying to make sure that none of his policies continue under a President McCain).
Asked how Pelosi came to choose Halperin in the first place, Brendan Daly, the Speaker's spokesman, told NEWSWEEK: "The reason wasn't to put a finger in Bush's eye. The reason was he's strong on civil liberties."
But Pelosi, who remains committed to the civil liberities board, is now looking for another candidate--presumably one that would be just a little less unacceptable to White House sensibilities.
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Michael Isikoff has been an award-winning investigative correspondent for Newsweek since 2004. He has written extensively on the U.S. government's war on terrorism, the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, presidential politics and other national issues. His book, "Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War," co-written with David Corn, was an instant New York Times best-seller when it was published in September, 2006. The book was hailed by the New York Times Book Review as "fascinating reading" and "the most comprehensive account of the White House's political machinations" in the run up to the war in Iraq. Since January 2009, Isikoff has been an MSNBC contributor, making regular appearances on the Rachel Maddow Show and Hardball w/ Chris Matthews.
Ever since the events of September 11, Isikoff has broken repeated stories about the U.S. government's war on terror and won numerous journalism awards. His blog "DeClassified: Investigative Reporting in Real Time," which appears regularly on Newsweek's Web site and is written with MarkHosenball, has become a must-read for senior U.S. intelligence officials. Isikoff and Hosenball won the 2005 award from the Society of Professional Journalists for best investigative reporting online.
Isikoff's June 2002 Newsweek cover story on U.S. intelligence failures that preceded the 9-11 terror attacks, along with a series of related articles, was honored with the Investigative Reporters and Editors top prize for investigative reporting in magazine journalism. He was honored, along with a team of Newsweek reporters, by the Society of Professional Journalists for coverage of the Abu Ghraib scandal. For that coverage, Isikoff obtained exclusive internal White House, Justice Department and State Department memos showing how decisions made at the highest levels of the Bush administration led to abuses in the interrogation of terror suspects. Isikoff was also part of a reporting team that earned Newsweek the National Magazine Award for General Excellence in 2002, the highest award in magazine journalism, for their coverage of the aftermath of the September 11 terror attacks.
Isikoff's exclusive reporting on the Monica Lewinsky scandal gained him national attention in 1998, including profiles in The New York Times and The Washington Post and a guest appearance on "Late Show with David Letterman." His coverage of the events that lead to President Bill Clinton's impeachment earned Newsweek the prestigious National Magazine Award in the Reporting category in 1999. Isikoff's reporting also won the National Headliner Award, the Edgar A. Poe Award presented by the White House Correspondents Association and the Gerald R. Ford Journalism Prize for Reporting on the Presidency. In 2001, Isikoff was named on a list of "most influential journalists" in the nation's capital by Washingtonian magazine.
Isikoff is the author of "Uncovering Clinton: A Reporter's Story," a book that chronicled his own reporting of the Lewinsky story and was hailed by a critic for The Washington Post-Los Angeles Times news service as "the absolutely essential narrative of the scandal with revelations that no one would have thought possible." The book, also a New York Times bestseller, was named Best Non-Fiction Book of 1999 by the Book of the Month Club.
Isikoff came to Newsweek from The Washington Post, where he had been a reporter since September 1981. There he covered the Justice Department and the Persian Gulf War, reported on international drug operations in Latin America and worked on the Post's financial news desk. Isikoff graduated from Washington University with a B.A. in 1974 and received a Masters in Journalism from Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism in 1976.
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