Safe To Release?
A new Pentagon report may complicate Obama's plans for Gitmo.
The Pentagon is preparing to declassify portions of a secret report on Guantanamo detainees that could further complicate President Obama's plans to shut down the detention facility.
The report, which could be released within the next few days, will provide fresh details about 62 detainees who have been released from Guantanamo and are believed by U.S. intelligence officials to have returned to terrorist activities, according to two Pentagon officials who asked not to be identified talking about a document that is not yet public. One such example, involving a Saudi detainee named Said Ali Al-Shihri, who was released in 2007, received widespread attention Friday when Pentagon officials publicly confirmed that he has recently reemerged as a deputy commander of Al Qaeda in Yemen. Al-Shihri, once known publicly only as Guantanamo detainee No. 372, is suspected of involvement in a thwarted attack on the U.S. embassy in Yemen last September.
The decision to release additional case studies from the report is in effect a warning shot to the new president from officials at the Pentagon and U.S. intelligence agencies who are skeptical about some of his plans. Some Pentagon officials, including ones sympathetic to Obama's goals, note the political outcry would be deafening should another example like Al-Shihri become public six months from now—and it turns out to be a Guantanamo detainee released under Obama's watch rather than by the Bush administration. "The last thing Obama wants is for one of these guys [at Guantanamo] to get released and return to killing Americans," said one senior Defense Department official who asked not to be identified because of the political sensitivities.
Some counter-terrorism experts have raised questions about the significance of the Pentagon's figures, noting that the number of so-called "recidivist" detainees represents only a small portion, about 12 percent, of the approximately 520 detainees who have been released from Guantanamo since the detention facility was opened in January 2002. This compares with recidivism rates of as high as 67 percent in state prisons in the United States, according to Justice Department figures. There have also been concerns that Bush administration holdovers were deliberately playing up the cases in recent weeks in an effort to undercut Obama. One former senior U.S. counter-terrorism official noted to NEWSWEEK that the Pentagon waited until the day after Obama signed his executive order mandating the closure of Guantanamo to confirm Al-Shihri's renewed Al Qaeda ties.
Still, a few top Obama administration officials have privately acknowledged that the problem of still dangerous detainees at Guantanamo is more worrisome than some of president's campaign statements might suggest. In May 2008, when the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) last prepared a report on released Gitmo detainees who had returned to terrorist activities, it counted the number of recidivists at 37. Among the examples: Mohammed Ismail, one of the "juveniles" at Guantanamo who, upon his release in 2004, had praised his treatment by Americans, saying at a press conference, "They gave me a good time at Cuba." He was recaptured four months later, participating in an attack on U.S. forces near Kandahar, Afghanistan.
As Pentagon press secretary Geoffrey Morrell disclosed two weeks ago, by mid-January of this year, 24 new detainees had been added to the DIA recidivist tally. The recent confirmation of Al Shihri bumped the overall number to 62, 18 of whom are alleged to have directly participated in terror attacks.
This does not necessarily mean that Guantanamo detainees released in the later part of 2008 were responsible for the increase. There is often a lengthy lag time between the time a detainee is freed and when U.S. intelligence officials learn of the individual's terrorist involvement. Still, the spike in the recidivist rate is not surprising, defense officials say. "The easy ones were released first," said a senior Pentagon official. "As time goes on, the releases become harder and harder. These are increasingly more difficult cases."
As of now, about 240 detainees remain at Guantanamo. Human rights groups and defense lawyers insist there is little or no evidence of terrorist involvement against scores of them. Some federal judges agree, having ordered the Pentagon in recent weeks to release some of them. The Obama administration, which has given itself a one-year deadline to shut down the facility, is hoping that European countries, like Portugal, Spain and Germany, will agree to take some of these detainees. The administration is also trying to get the government of Yemen to take about 100 of its nationals—the largest single group of prisoners at the facility. But even these assumptions are shaky. The Pentagon has been trying for months to hammer out an agreement with the Yemeni government to monitor released Guantanamo detainees with little success.
The hardest chunk involves a core number, estimated by some officials to be about 50 or 60, who are deemed to be highly dangerous but who, for a variety of reasons—including the fact that they may have been subjected to waterboarding or other "enhanced" interrogation techniques—may be impossible to try in any federal or military court. The Obama administration is likely to have no choice but to move them to another facility inside the United States, such as the U.S. naval brig in Charleston, S.C., or the military prison in Fort Leavenworth, Kan., and hold them indefinitely without trial, thereby risking worldwide criticism that it is simply creating a "Guantanamo, South Carolina" or a "Guantanamo, Kansas."
While the Obama administration may create some sort of system for periodic judicial review of these cases, the one thing it won't do is release these detainees, said one senior Obama adviser who asked not to be identified talking about the White House's internal thinking on the matter. Asked about the prospect that some of these detainees might be let go, the adviser brushed the thought aside. "That's not going to happen," he said.
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Michael Isikoff has been an award-winning investigative correspondent for Newsweek since 2004. He has written extensively on the U.S. government's war on terrorism, the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, presidential politics and other national issues. His book, "Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War," co-written with David Corn, was an instant New York Times best-seller when it was published in September, 2006. The book was hailed by the New York Times Book Review as "fascinating reading" and "the most comprehensive account of the White House's political machinations" in the run up to the war in Iraq. Since January 2009, Isikoff has been an MSNBC contributor, making regular appearances on the Rachel Maddow Show and Hardball w/ Chris Matthews.
Ever since the events of September 11, Isikoff has broken repeated stories about the U.S. government's war on terror and won numerous journalism awards. His blog "DeClassified: Investigative Reporting in Real Time," which appears regularly on Newsweek's Web site and is written with MarkHosenball, has become a must-read for senior U.S. intelligence officials. Isikoff and Hosenball won the 2005 award from the Society of Professional Journalists for best investigative reporting online.
Isikoff's June 2002 Newsweek cover story on U.S. intelligence failures that preceded the 9-11 terror attacks, along with a series of related articles, was honored with the Investigative Reporters and Editors top prize for investigative reporting in magazine journalism. He was honored, along with a team of Newsweek reporters, by the Society of Professional Journalists for coverage of the Abu Ghraib scandal. For that coverage, Isikoff obtained exclusive internal White House, Justice Department and State Department memos showing how decisions made at the highest levels of the Bush administration led to abuses in the interrogation of terror suspects. Isikoff was also part of a reporting team that earned Newsweek the National Magazine Award for General Excellence in 2002, the highest award in magazine journalism, for their coverage of the aftermath of the September 11 terror attacks.
Isikoff's exclusive reporting on the Monica Lewinsky scandal gained him national attention in 1998, including profiles in The New York Times and The Washington Post and a guest appearance on "Late Show with David Letterman." His coverage of the events that lead to President Bill Clinton's impeachment earned Newsweek the prestigious National Magazine Award in the Reporting category in 1999. Isikoff's reporting also won the National Headliner Award, the Edgar A. Poe Award presented by the White House Correspondents Association and the Gerald R. Ford Journalism Prize for Reporting on the Presidency. In 2001, Isikoff was named on a list of "most influential journalists" in the nation's capital by Washingtonian magazine.
Isikoff is the author of "Uncovering Clinton: A Reporter's Story," a book that chronicled his own reporting of the Lewinsky story and was hailed by a critic for The Washington Post-Los Angeles Times news service as "the absolutely essential narrative of the scandal with revelations that no one would have thought possible." The book, also a New York Times bestseller, was named Best Non-Fiction Book of 1999 by the Book of the Month Club.
Isikoff came to Newsweek from The Washington Post, where he had been a reporter since September 1981. There he covered the Justice Department and the Persian Gulf War, reported on international drug operations in Latin America and worked on the Post's financial news desk. Isikoff graduated from Washington University with a B.A. in 1974 and received a Masters in Journalism from Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism in 1976.
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