The End of the Honeymoon
Barack Obama has benefitted from good relations with the press. How will he handle it when things turn sour?
Barack Obama does not like to be surprised—or worse, to be seen being surprised. Nor does he like his motives questioned. His reaction to any of this, I know from personal experience, is a wide grin (akin to the baring of teeth) and a dismissive rhetorical question, as in "What do YOU think?" It happens in the blink of an eye; if you don't pay attention, you miss the antagonism.
Anyone who expects our smooth-operator president to lose his cool in front of the press will be waiting a long time, perhaps forever. But I do sense that, after the comparatively sunny days of his first five months in office, the pattern is changing in the meteorological map of the national media—and in the president's own comfort with his journalistic surroundings. Bottom line: things are getting a little testy and are about to get more so.
The most interesting reason for the darkening skies, from what I've seen, is not that the president and his aides have been stonewalling or lying about anything. They don't blab, that's for sure, but they are truthful, at least in comparison with some predecessors. No, the problem is that they are too cute by half. They assume they can manipulate, manage and guide the media flawlessly. They think they can ride the wave all the way every time. And why shouldn't they? Obama's presidential campaign, after all, was perhaps the shrewdest, most disciplined message machine ever assembled in modern electoral politics. And the coverage, overall, was often close to hagiographic.
The presidency is a harder course, and the risk is that, by over-managing, the president and his aides will damage their own credibility with the press and, more important, with the public. Voters have come to accept (and even reward) candidates who stay on message. But those same voters also know that the truth in a presidential administration is messier—they want to know what it is, and they want it unvarnished.
Obama has had such warm relations with most of the national media (he even jokes about it) that he is tempted to use them in ways that can sound like propaganda. A case in point: the recently televised town hall about health care. Even supporters of the president's reform effort found the hour soporific and pretty one sided—and conservatives and Republicans were not unjustifiably dismissive. If you play all your games on your home court, your record is suspect.
Another case: the cheesy way in which the White House used a presidential press conference to choreograph a question from Iran that had been solicited by a Huffington Post editor who was invited specifically for the purpose of passing on the question. Pretty cool, and it emphasized the point that America stands for free speech while the mullahs are snuffing it in Iran. Except that Obama, his aides and the reporter semi-pretended that the move wasn't scripted, which insulted everyone's intelligence. Worse, the Obamaneuver treated the press corps as a prop in a global propaganda war.
Obama's sweeping promises of a new era of "transparency" in government have fallen short as well. He's invoked many of his predecessor's justifications for keeping surveillance operations secret—and even is refusing to make public the logs of White House visitors. Reporters, so far, are not impressed.
Things will inevitably turn confrontational, and when that happens, Obama is not going to like it. He is a tough customer, and smarter and shrewder than most, but he doesn't like antagonistic questions any more than any other human being. And he really isn't used to a steady stream of them.
Why will things change? Well, he has changed or abandoned numerous campaign positions, many documented by the same reporters now covering him in the White House. The list is long on health care alone. He was against a mandate for coverage, now he seems to be for one; he was against the taxation of health-care benefits, now he may tolerate that very thing. More important, his agenda on the Hill is so vast and so ambitious—and worries about the deficit and higher taxes have grown so deep—that questions are multiplying exponentially.
There is a physics in media: every action eventually produces an equal and opposite reaction. Or, as the old saying goes, they're either at your feet or at your throat. Obama has enjoyed a glorious ride, but the press has gotten about as much mileage as it can by writing the story of his rise and early triumph. Eventually, the only way to generate copy and ratings will be to write the story of his difficulties—the descent that follows the rise. Expect to see Obama smiling a lot.
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Howard Fineman is Newsweek's Senior Washington Correspondent and Columnist, senior editor and deputy Washington bureau chief. He is the author of "Living Politics," a column that began on MSNBC.COM and Newsweek.com and that now also appears in the print magazine. An award-winning reporter and writer, Fineman also is an analyst for NBC News and MSNBC, appearing regularly on "Countdown with Keith Olbermann," "Hardball with Chris Matthews" and "TODAY." The author of scores of Newsweek cover stories, Fineman's work has appeared as well in The New York Times, The Washington Post and The New Republic. His 2008 national best-selling book, "The Thirteen American Arguments," was released in paperback by Random House in the spring of 2009.
One of the nation's leading political reporters, Fineman has interviewed every major presidential candidate from (then-vice president) George H.W. Bush in 1985 to (then senator) Barack Obama early and often in the 2008 campaign cycle. His current work focuses on the Obama Administration and its top officials, as well as on Congress and politics throughout the country. Although based in Washington, Fineman travels widely in the U.S. and has covered politics and other events in 49 of the 50 states.
Fineman's work has produced many milestones and awards. A cover story in November 2001 featured President George W. Bush's first extensive interview after 9/11. Another cover, "Bush and God," was part of a series of articles that won the 2003 National Magazine Award for General Excellence. His reporting has helped Newsweek win many honors from the Magazine Publishers Association and the American Journalism Review. Other awards include a "Page One" from the Headliners Club of New York, a "Silver Gavel" from the American Bar Association and a "Deadline Club" from the Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ). In 2006 he received the Alumni Award from Columbia University's Graduate School of Journalism.
As a reporter and writer, Fineman ranges widely. Besides campaign-year covers, other projects have included: race and politics, the impact of digital technology on society, the influence of Hollywood on politics, the rise of the religious right and of conservative talk radio. He has interviewed business leaders such as George Soros, Bill Gates, Steve Case and Robert Rubin and entertainment figures such as Warren Beatty, Jane Fonda and Jay Leno.
Although now under exclusive television contract to NBC, Fineman over the years has appeared on major public affairs shows, such as Nightline, Face the Nation, Fox News Sunday, Larry King Live, Charlie Rose and the NewsHour. He was a regular panelist on Washington Week in Review on PBS (1983-95) and on CNN's Capital Gang Sunday (1995-98). He worked with Ted Koppel on Nightline specials, and has been a guest on Comedy Central's "The Daily Show with Jon Stewart" and "The Colbert Report."
A native of Pittsburgh, Fineman began his career at The Courier-Journal in Louisville, covering the environment, the coal industry and state politics before joining the newspaper's Washington bureau in 1978. He moved to Newsweek in 1980, was named chief political correspondent in 1984, deputy Washington bureau chief in 1993, senior editor in 1995 and senior Washington correspondent and columnist in 2008.
Fineman holds an A.B., Phi Beta Kappa, from Colgate, an M.S. in journalism from Columbia and a J.D. from the Brandeis School of Law at the University of Louisville. His legal education included a year as a visiting student at the Georgetown University Law Center. He received Watson and Pultizer Traveling Fellowships for study in Europe, Russia and the Middle East, and has traveled to more than 40 countries, among them China, Vietnam, Japan, Ukraine, Israel, Turkey and the West Bank Palestinian Territories.
Fineman is married to Amy L. Nathan, a senior counsel at the Federal Communications Commission. They live in Washington with their two children, Meredith and Nicholas.
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