Playing With Fire
The Obama White House may see political advantage in exposing the 'Birthers.' But they shouldn't discount the dangerous sentiment of the radical rejectionists.
In politics, dogs that don't bark make the loudest noise.
I was reminded of that on Monday at the White House as I listened to Robert Gibbs, the presidential press secretary. Even discounting for his ever-present mordant calm, Gibbs was noticeably laid back when asked about the blogospherical hysteria over the question of whether President Obama is a U.S. citizen.
More in sorrow than in anger, he lamented the need to discuss the topic—and then went on to discuss the topic. Rather than seem offended on behalf of the president—the first thing a press secretary learns to do—he seemed more philosophical, almost blasé about it all. It's a free country, whaddya gonna do?
"I almost hate to indulge in such an august setting as the White House briefing room," he said, "discussing the made-up fictional nonsense of whether the president was born in this country."
Key word: almost.
Fact, is, White House wise guys seem to think there is political profit to be reaped in encouraging—or at least putting the spotlight on—the anti-everything fundamentalists and public paranoids who are emerging at a time when the legitimate conservative movement and the Republican Party with it are weak.
When the water in the river is low, the rocks in the riverbed lie exposed. So it is with the party and the movement of that gave us Bill Buckley and Ronald Reagan and other worthies of the right. White House officials know that, and don't mind if the wild and utterly unsubstantiated speculation about Obama's provenance overwhelms the grassroots GOP senators and House members when they return home for the August recess.
Obama's aides were only too happy to point to the words of Sen. James Inhofe, Republican of Oklahoma, who seemed to validate the curiosity about the theories of the "Birthers." "They have a point," he said. "I don't discourage it." One of the White House types was only too happy to point out that Inhofe is also a guy who refers to global warming as a global "hoax."
The theory: if Obama can convince independent voters that Inhofe is the sum and substance of the modern GOP, then the president might even be able to sell his health-care bill as real "reform."
There are just enough loose bureaucratic threads in the Obama nativity scene to give the Birthers something to talk about. Even though he possesses (and independent witnesses have seen) a valid birth certificate from the state of Hawaii (issued in 2007), the original document is either lost or unavailable, perhaps due to the conversion of such records to electronic form in 2001. Whatever the reason, it doesn't matter legally, since the existing document is valid and several local officials in Hawaii have vouched for its sufficiency.
Sensing an opening, Democrats in the House (who should be worrying about more important things) offered a resolution congratulating Hawaii on the 50th anniversary of statehood—and also praising the Aloha State as the place where "the 44th President of the United States, Barack Obama, was born." The idea was to force the Birthers in Congress—there are at least nine of them—to vote against the resolution and identify themselves. It's sort of clever in a sort of high-schoolish way. In the end, none of the Birthers objected to the unanimous approval of the resolution.
But Democrats in and out of the White House run the risk of being too cute by half. The people at the heart of the Birther movement are part of a deep disruptive tradition in American politics. At least some of them are beyond—way beyond—the quaint, even laudable libertarians with roots in frontier times. I met them in the mid-1970s when I was covering the arrival of court-ordered busing to integrate the suburban schools of Louisville, Ky. They believe the federal government is an illegitimate conspiracy to "take up the guns," to tax income that should be beyond reach, to open the borders to illegal immigrants, to—and this is an old notion that still has resonance—"mix the races."
Barack Obama, in ways he and his supporters cannot know or even dare to guess at, embodies all of these "evils" in the eyes of the radical rejectionists. It is not a sentiment to be laughed at, or used for short-term gain.
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Howard Fineman is Newsweek's Senior Washington Correspondent and Columnist, senior editor and deputy Washington bureau chief. He is the author of "Living Politics," a column that began on MSNBC.COM and Newsweek.com and that now also appears in the print magazine. An award-winning reporter and writer, Fineman also is an analyst for NBC News and MSNBC, appearing regularly on "Countdown with Keith Olbermann," "Hardball with Chris Matthews" and "TODAY." The author of scores of Newsweek cover stories, Fineman's work has appeared as well in The New York Times, The Washington Post and The New Republic. His 2008 national best-selling book, "The Thirteen American Arguments," was released in paperback by Random House in the spring of 2009.
One of the nation's leading political reporters, Fineman has interviewed every major presidential candidate from (then-vice president) George H.W. Bush in 1985 to (then senator) Barack Obama early and often in the 2008 campaign cycle. His current work focuses on the Obama Administration and its top officials, as well as on Congress and politics throughout the country. Although based in Washington, Fineman travels widely in the U.S. and has covered politics and other events in 49 of the 50 states.
Fineman's work has produced many milestones and awards. A cover story in November 2001 featured President George W. Bush's first extensive interview after 9/11. Another cover, "Bush and God," was part of a series of articles that won the 2003 National Magazine Award for General Excellence. His reporting has helped Newsweek win many honors from the Magazine Publishers Association and the American Journalism Review. Other awards include a "Page One" from the Headliners Club of New York, a "Silver Gavel" from the American Bar Association and a "Deadline Club" from the Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ). In 2006 he received the Alumni Award from Columbia University's Graduate School of Journalism.
As a reporter and writer, Fineman ranges widely. Besides campaign-year covers, other projects have included: race and politics, the impact of digital technology on society, the influence of Hollywood on politics, the rise of the religious right and of conservative talk radio. He has interviewed business leaders such as George Soros, Bill Gates, Steve Case and Robert Rubin and entertainment figures such as Warren Beatty, Jane Fonda and Jay Leno.
Although now under exclusive television contract to NBC, Fineman over the years has appeared on major public affairs shows, such as Nightline, Face the Nation, Fox News Sunday, Larry King Live, Charlie Rose and the NewsHour. He was a regular panelist on Washington Week in Review on PBS (1983-95) and on CNN's Capital Gang Sunday (1995-98). He worked with Ted Koppel on Nightline specials, and has been a guest on Comedy Central's "The Daily Show with Jon Stewart" and "The Colbert Report."
A native of Pittsburgh, Fineman began his career at The Courier-Journal in Louisville, covering the environment, the coal industry and state politics before joining the newspaper's Washington bureau in 1978. He moved to Newsweek in 1980, was named chief political correspondent in 1984, deputy Washington bureau chief in 1993, senior editor in 1995 and senior Washington correspondent and columnist in 2008.
Fineman holds an A.B., Phi Beta Kappa, from Colgate, an M.S. in journalism from Columbia and a J.D. from the Brandeis School of Law at the University of Louisville. His legal education included a year as a visiting student at the Georgetown University Law Center. He received Watson and Pultizer Traveling Fellowships for study in Europe, Russia and the Middle East, and has traveled to more than 40 countries, among them China, Vietnam, Japan, Ukraine, Israel, Turkey and the West Bank Palestinian Territories.
Fineman is married to Amy L. Nathan, a senior counsel at the Federal Communications Commission. They live in Washington with their two children, Meredith and Nicholas.
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