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What Republicans Can Learn From Brown

Five lessons from Scott Brown's victory in Massachusetts.

On Tuesday night, Republican Scott Brown pulled off the unthinkable and wrested one of the bluest Senate seats in the nation from Democrats, who had taken the seat for granted. While Democrats scramble to point fingers and Bostonians peel off their "Don't blame me, I'm from Massachusetts" bumper stickers, Republican strategists are busily divining lessons for this November's midterms. Can the GOP reproduce the Brown model of victory in other states?

Not exactly. As Brown's pollster Neil Newhouse of Public Opinion Strategies told NEWSWEEK, the "perfect storm" conditions in Massachusetts—"candidate, resonant message, angry electorate, and an apathetic and error-prone Democratic campaign"—are unlikely to be replicated many places in November. Every race is unique. What works in one won't necessarily work in another. And what passes for conservative in Massachusetts can look downright centrist to voters in Kentucky. Nevertheless, the Brown campaign provides lessons for Republicans planning to campaign this fall. Here are the five most important tips they can draw:

Don't get too cocky. After such an unexpected and monumental win, it's tempting to believe your own good press, but that's a mistake. "I don't think Republicans can rest on [our] laurels and look at this race and say, 'We're back!' " says Brian Walsh, communications director at the National Republican Senatorial Committee. Brown campaign spokesperson Eric Fehrnstrom simply says that in 2010, "there's no such thing as a safe seat." That means everyone has to work hard for every vote, no exceptions. The Scott Brown model involves working diligently and milking retail politics—that's hitting the streets, shaking hands, and knocking on doors—for all it's worth. The wind may be at the GOP's back, but sealing the deal requires patient effort. Walsh says that Brown voters were convinced that their candidate was listening and responding to their worries. In this political atmosphere, humility is the big winner while, as Martha Coakley so aptly demonstrated, appearing distant is disastrous. "Authenticity counts for a lot in political campaigns. Candidates who are open, accessible, and not tied to business as usual will get traction with voters," says Newhouse.

Take advantage of the environment. "It's nice to catch a wave and ride it," Fehrnstrom admitted to NEWSWEEK. "We were fortunate that voter dissatisfaction was off the charts for Democrats." As has been the case for at least the past decade, Washington is deeply unpopular. The more Republicans can tie voter discontent directly to President Obama and congressional Democrats, the clearer their path to victory becomes. "There is a general anger at Washington, and whichever party can best respond to that and show voters that they are listening will be victorious in November," says Walsh. As Newhouse puts it, being on the inside, part of the status quo, won't be a safe place to be in November.

Looking local is key. Although it sounds contradictory, the GOP has to harness anger at the national state of affairs but retain a local flavor. Brown proved that voters are invigorated by someone who understands their immediate surroundings. NRSC chair Sen. John Cornyn of Texas told Politico that "the Brown team really understood that the power of his campaign was that it was an indigenous effort. Any hint of outsiders coming in and trying to influence the thing would have been counterproductive." Although national stars and potential 2012 Republican presidential contenders like Sarah Palin and Mitt Romney will no doubt make productive appearances on behalf of some candidates, Republicans have to appear as everyman insurgents. "What you saw in Massachusetts was a clear contrast: Scott Brown against the establishment," says former Romney campaign spokesman Kevin Madden.

Don't forget the basics. Although 2009 saw Republicans wander all over the anti-Obama spectrum ideologically, their strategists argue that Brown demonstrated that fundamental conservative tenets can appeal broadly to the all-important independent voters. The Brown campaign focused on the basic conservative message: cutting taxes and spending, and robust national security. Both Madden and Walsh agree that in Massachusetts, the health-care debate was a proxy for voter anxiety over economic insecurity. "The health-care bill is increasingly viewed as a trillion-dollar spending bill rather than a health-care reform bill," says Madden. Regardless of whether health-care reform passes or fails, it probably won't be dominating headlines come November. But that's no reason for Republicans not to take a leaf out of Brown's book. "Republican principles can satisfy the Republican base but can also persuade the big middle of the electorate that includes conservative Democrats and independents," Madden says.

Be critical, but not negative. While slamming Obama's policies will be all the rage among conservatives this fall, that's not a license for negativity. Brown's essential message was not about punishing Democrats. Rather, Newhouse says Brown offered voters a forward-looking message, asking them to believe he could do better. As Obama's "Yes We Can" mantra so effectively illustrated, independent voters often respond heartily to empowering, positive campaigns. Brown emulated this and, in November, most successful Republicans probably will have done so as well.

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