High Speed to Insolvency
Why liberals love trains.
Generations hence, when the river of time has worn this presidency’s importance to a small, smooth pebble in the stream of history, people will still marvel that its defining trait was a mania for high-speed rail projects. This disorder illuminates the progressive mind.
Remarkably widespread derision has greeted the Obama administration’s damn-the-arithmetic-full-speed-ahead proposal to spend $53 billion more (after the $8 billion in stimulus money and $2.4 billion in enticements to 23 states) in the next six years pursuant to the president’s loopy goal of giving “80 percent of Americans access to high-speed rail.” “Access” and “high-speed” to be defined later.
Criticism of this optional and irrational spending—meaning: borrowing —during a deficit crisis has been withering. Only an administration blinkered by ideology would persist.
Florida’s new Republican governor, Rick Scott, has joined Ohio’s (John Kasich) and Wisconsin’s (Scott Walker) in rejecting federal incentives—more than $2 billion in Florida’s case—to begin a high-speed rail project. Florida’s 84-mile line, which would have run parallel to Interstate 4, would have connected Tampa and Orlando. One preposterous projection was that it would attract 3 million passengers a year—almost as many as ride Amtrak’s Acela in the densely populated Boston–New York–Washington corridor.
The three governors want to spare their states from paying the much larger sums likely to be required for construction-cost overruns and operating subsidies when ridership projections prove to be delusional. Kasich and Walker, who were elected promising to stop the nonsense, asked Washington for permission to use the high-speed-rail money for more pressing transportation needs than a train running along Interstate 71 between Cleveland and Cincinnati, or a train parallel to Interstate 94 between Milwaukee and Madison. Washington, disdaining the decisions of Ohio and Wisconsin voters, replied that it will find states that will waste the money.
California will. Although prostrate from its own profligacy, it will sink tens of billions of its own taxpayers’ money in the 616-mile San Francisco–to–San Diego line. Supposedly 39 million people will eagerly pay much more than an airfare in order to travel slower. Between 2008 and 2009, the projected cost increased from $33 billion to $42.6 billion.
Randal O’Toole of the Cato Institute notes that high-speed rail connects big-city downtowns, where only 7 percent of Americans work and 1 percent live. “The average intercity auto trip today uses less energy per passenger mile than the average Amtrak train.” And high speed will not displace enough cars to measurably reduce congestion. The Washington Post says China’s fast trains are priced beyond ordinary workers’ budgets, and that France, like Japan, has only one profitable line.
So why is America’s “win the future” administration so fixated on railroads, a technology that was the future two centuries ago? Because progressivism’s aim is the modification of (other people’s) behavior.
Forever seeking Archimedean levers for prying the world in directions they prefer, progressives say they embrace high-speed rail for many reasons—to improve the climate, increase competitiveness, enhance national security, reduce congestion, and rationalize land use. The length of the list of reasons, and the flimsiness of each, points to this conclusion: the real reason for progressives’ passion for trains is their goal of diminishing Americans’ individualism in order to make them more amenable to collectivism.
To progressives, the best thing about railroads is that people riding them are not in automobiles, which are subversive of the deference on which progressivism depends. Automobiles go hither and yon, wherever and whenever the driver desires, without timetables. Automobiles encourage people to think they—unsupervised, untutored, and unscripted—are masters of their fates. The automobile encourages people in delusions of adequacy, which make them resistant to government by experts who know what choices people should make.
Time was, the progressive cry was “Workers of the world unite!” or “Power to the people!” Now it is less resonant: “All aboard!”
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Few news columnists are as erudite, opinionated, controversial and widely read as Pulitzer Prize-winning writer George F. Will. A Newsweek Contributing Editor since 1976, Will produces a back page column addressing diverse topics from politics to baseball.
Will's newspaper column appears twice weekly in 480 newspapers and has been syndicated nationally by The Washington Post Writers Group since 1974. He writes occasionally for The London Daily Telegraph. He also is a television news analyst for Capital Cities/ABC News Television Group, and became a founding member of the panel of ABC's "This Week with David Brinkley" in 1981.
In addition to his 1977 Pulitzer for commentary for his newspaper columns, Will was named the best writer on any subject in a 1985 readers' poll conducted by The Washington Journalism Review. He has earned many awards for his Newsweek columns. In 1979, he was a finalist for the National Magazine Award for essays and criticism. He won the 1978 National Headliner Award for consistently outstanding feature columns, and the 1980 and 1991 Silurian Award for editorial writing. Women in Communications awarded him First Place/Interpretive Column in the 1991 Clarion Awards competition.
In November 1992, Will published a book of political theory entitled "Restoration: Congress, Term Limits and The Recovery of Deliberative Democracy." His book "Suddenly: The American Idea Abroad and At Home," was published in 1990 by The Free Press. Three other collections of columns from Newsweek and The Washington Post have been published: "The Pursuit of Happiness and Other Sobering Thoughts" (Harper & Row, 1978); "The Pursuit of Virtue and Other Tory Notions" (Simon & Schuster, 1982), and "The Morning After: American Success and Excesses/1981-1986" (The Free Press, 1986).
"Statecraft as Soulcraft: What Government Does" (Simon & Schuster, 1983) was originally the Godkin Lecture at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government in 1981. "The New Season: A Spectator's Guide to the 1988 Election" was published in 1987 (Simon & Schuster). In 1990, "Men At Work: The Craft of Baseball," (Macmillan) became a bestseller.
Will was born in Champaign, Illinois in 1941, and educated at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut; Magdalene College, Oxford University, and at Princeton, where he received an M.A. and Ph.D. in politics. He has taught political philosophy at Michigan University and at the University of Toronto. For three years, Will served on the staff of the United States Senate for Gordon Allott (Republican, Colorado, from 1970-72). From 1973 through 1976, he was Washington editor of The National Review magazine. Will lives and works in the Washington, D.C. area.
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