The Tale of Two Debates
First things first: they both survived.
For accuracy's sake, though, we should probably consider referring to tonight's
"Showdown in St. Louis" as the "Showdowns in St. Louis." It was the
Tale of Two Debates. In one ring we watched Sarah Palin battling Tina Fey's
impression of Sarah Palin. In the other we saw Joe Biden jousting with John
McCain. They both delivered somewhat uneven performances--but both
"won" their individual bouts. The question is which one moved his or her boss closer to victory on Nov. 4.
Palin's plan
was simple: deliver your talking points and pivot to an attack on
Barack Obama--regardless of what moderator Gwen Ifill asks. The results
of this strategy were mixed. For one thing, Palin's frequent attempts
to bait Biden into making one of his famous "gaffes" or saying
something "condescending"--she repeatedly sought to provoke his ire by
pointing out issues (i.e., Iraq war funding, experience) on which he
and Obama have parted ways in the past--did not succeed. Not only did
Biden resist the temptation to pull a Lazio and charge her podium, but he delivered crisp, clear ripostes that began with the words
"that charge is not true" instead of, say, "Governor Palin is lying." Biden was so focused on being polite, in fact, that the one time he said "Sarah," he immediately reverted to
"Governor." That said, Palin did manage to keep her rival on the
defensive--especially on raising taxes--for substantial stretches of
the debate. That's always a plus.
Palin was her strongest, though, when transitioning from the topic at hand to a folksy, emotive talking point--an attempt, as she put it, "to talk straight to the American people and let 'em know my track record" regardless of what "[Biden] or the moderator want to hear." When Ifill tried to steer the conversation to Capitol Hill, for example--did we see the "worst of Washington or the
best of Washington... play out" in recent Congressional jockeying over
the bailout bill?--Palin detoured to the soccer field: "You know, I
think a good barometer here... is to go to a kid's soccer game on
Saturday, and turn to any parent there on the sideline and ask them,
'How are you feeling about the economy?' And I'll bet you, you're going
to hear some fear in that parent's voice." To practiced ears, "soccer"
sounded like a line that Palin had memorized and repeated. But for
voters who'd only seen her fumbling through the Katie Couric
interviews--or had only seen SNL satirizing her fumbles--Palin
sounded clear enough, compelling enough and common-sensical enough to come across as a competent public figure (as opposed to a
caricature of incompetence). Throughout the debate, she reverted to this mode again and again, mentioning her "Joe Six-Pack" roots in "Middle America" one minute and
admitting that it was time to stop "fingerpointing" and move past
Bush's "blunders" the next. It was the main reason she "exceeded
expectations."
The problem for Palin, however, was that she
often seemed to run out of (or simply spew out) talking points--at which point her answers
would disintegrate into the confusing "blizzards of words" that Charlie Gibson recently endured. Asked about the causes of climate change, for example, the
Alaskan seemed unable to muster an intelligible response. "I'm not one
to attribute every man--activity of man to the changes in the climate,"
she said. "There is something to be said also for man's activities, but
also for the cyclical temperature changes on our planet.... What I want
to argue about is, how are we going to get there to positively affect
the impacts?" Asked what circumstances would force her to deploy America’s nuclear weaponry, Palin chose to answer a different question. “Nuclear
weaponry, of course, would be the be-all, end-all of just too many
people in too many parts of our planet," she said. "So those dangerous regimes,
again, cannot be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons, period.” And her riff on Israel was similarly scrambled:
A two-state solution is the solution. And Secretary Rice, having recently met with leaders on one side or the other there, also, still in these waning days of the Bush administration, trying to forge that peace, and that needs to be done, and that will be top of an agenda item, also, under a McCain-Palin administration. Israel is our strongest and best ally in the Middle East. We have got to assure them that we will never allow a second Holocaust, despite, again, warnings from Iran and any other country that would seek to destroy Israel, that that is what they would like to see.
There was an argument in there somewhere. But it was buried amid a pile-up of talking points.
This isn't to say Palin bombed. Far from it.
Over the course of 90 minutes, she sounded smart, savvy and
spunky enough, often enough, to seem to belong on stage--and to give commentators the grist they needed to call it a comeback. (That's why she's better suited to debates than network interviews: no filter, plenty of time.) But there were
simply too many of these "huh?" moments--especially near the end of the event--to convince the 60 percent of voters who told ABC News this week that Palin
is unprepared for the presidency that they're mistaken. Her trajectory tonight mirrored her trajectory since St. Paul--solid at the start, shakier over time. In St. Louis, Palin proved she can be an able communicator--and prevented herself from becoming a perpetual punchline. But
I doubt that she convinced many skeptical swing voters that she's qualified to lead the free world.
This
readiness deficit redounds to Biden's--and by extension Obama's--benefit. Biden
didn't have a perfect night. His performance seemed to veer from muted
to blustery, and it took him half an hour to find his footing. But he never
seemed arrogant, condescending or chauvinistic. He never blathered on
endlessly. And he certainly never put his foot in his mouth. More
importantly, Biden did what he came to do--make a clear case against
John McCain. And he did it with answers that were more detailed, less rhetorical and far more responsive to the questions than Palin's. You may disagree with his arguments. Many will. But it's
impossible to say he wasn't polite, persuasive and well-informed. In
fact, he even out-emoted Palin, silently fighting back tears while recalling his son’s near-death after the horrific car accident that killed his wife and daughter in 1972. People are "looking for help," he said, choking up. "They're
not looking for more of the same."
Ultimately,
partisans will
ignore the errors and find much to cheer in each candidate's
performance. But when it comes to the all-important swing voters, Biden
may have the edge. Unlike pundits, undecideds don't come equipped with unique, finely-calibrated expectations for each candidate. Unlike
partisans, they're not preconditioned to support the politician who
flatters their ideological biases. They're just looking for the most
plausible president--or in this case, vice president. Palin delivered an appealing performance. But I suspect that undecideds will see Biden as more vice-presidential.
So far, the
surveys seem to support my hunch.
CNN's quick-release poll gave the debate to the Delaware senator, 51 percent to
36 percent, and
46 percent of undecided voters surveyed by CBS News agreed (21 percent
thought Palin won). Palin's problem wasn't likability: 54 percent of CNN respondents picked Palin in that category; only 36 percent chose Biden. It was preparedness. In fact, the debate didn't move Palin's readiness meter one iota: 54 percent of voters said she wasn't qualified to be president before the debate, and 53 percent said the same thing afterwards. Are these stats the final say? Hardly. But even if the
voters ultimately decide that the Showdowns in St. Louis were a draw, there's no chance that they'll prove impactful enough to alter the basic contours of the race. Right now,
Obama leads by an average of six points and has broken 50 percent in
several polls--with only 33 days to go. For McCain, a tie won't do the
trick.
In other words, survival is all well and good. But it's not the same thing as winning.
UPDATE, Oct. 3: For an analysis of each candidate's factual missteps, click here.
Like The Daily Beast on Facebook and follow us on Twitter for updates all day long.
Andrew Romano is a senior writer for Newsweek. He reports on politics, culture, and food for the print and Web editions of the magazine and appears frequently on CNN and MSNBC. His 2008 campaign blog, Stumper, won MINOnline's Best Consumer Blog award and was cited as one of the cycle's best news blogs by both Editor & Publisher and the Deadline Club of New York. Follow Andrew on Twitter.
For inquiries, please contact The Daily Beast at editorial@thedailybeast.com.




Comments