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A Disaster Worse Than Katrina
A few weeks ago, I was trying to drive through the flooded Haitian city of Gonaives, which had been walloped by two hurricanes and was about to be hit, a day later, by Hurricane Ike. To my eye, the citizens seemed completely abandoned, even though their suffering had been in the news everywhere. Everyone we met, wading through filthy floodwater, was thirsty; some were injured; most were homeless. Gonaives reeked. Its people needed protection.
I wrote a note to my co-workers, observing that I’d never seen anything so terrible, except once before: in the same city, four years earlier. When in 2004 Tropical Storm Jean killed far more in Gonaives than would die on the Katrina-stricken Gulf Coast a year later, money for Haiti did finally come in. But four years later, it was hard to see where it had gone.
When in 2004 Tropical Storm Jean killed far more in Gonaives than would die on the Katrina-stricken Gulf Coast a year later, money for Haiti did finally come in. But four years later, it was hard to see where it had gone.
Per capita, Haiti, “the poorest country in the hemisphere,” has more nongovernmental organizations than any other country in the Caribbean. Haiti, with more private schools than elsewhere, has the region’s highest rates of illiteracy. It has more health-focused NGOs than its neighbors—I helped to found one there almost 25 years ago—and the worst health indicators in the Americas. Humanitarian efforts, we’d concluded, do not lead to progress unless they are better thought out than those registered in Haiti. Worse, well-meaning people can unwittingly weaken public health and public education at a time when others, wittingly, are seeking to undermine basic social and economic rights.
Along with many people who care about Haiti, along with its elected leaders and with the thousands of NGOs that “cover” Haiti, I participated in disaster-relief efforts, from the pragmatic ones (food, shelter, medical care) to the ones seeking to rebuild shattered infrastructure, including six major bridges, flooded roads, and drowned schools and medical facilities. I gave talks and wrote articles.
In between such efforts, I was teaching at Harvard. I usually teach medical students and doctors, but am this term teaching, with colleagues, about 200 undergraduates. I’d promised to deliver a lecture about “the colonial roots of global health,” and when preparing my talk read an article by Columbia professor Mahmood Mamdani, writing in The Nation (September 29) about “The New Humanitarian Order.” Familiar with his work about Rwanda, where we also have projects, I was interested to read his take on humanitarian efforts writ large.
Mamdani’s analysis did not surprise me, but did leave me troubled, especially after what I’d just seen in hurricane-roiled Haiti: "Rather than rights-bearing citizens," he writes, "beneficiaries of the humanitarian order are akin to the recipients of charity." (He goes on to interrogate recent claims made about Darfur by the International Criminal Court.)
Of course I thought immediately about hurricane-afflicted Haiti, worrying: Was it not also humanitarian-afflicted Haiti? Since I am one of those humanitarians, it seemed best to include Mamdani's views in my own teaching—a form of self-critique too rarely registered among NGOs and humanitarian organizations. The president of Haiti, speaking last month at the UN General Assembly, would seem to agree. This is from a recent AP news story:
Though thanking the international community for food aid and other assistance, President Rene Preval said he feared that a "paradigm of charity" would not end cycles of poverty and disaster."Once this first wave of humanitarian compassion is exhausted, we will be left as always, truly alone, to face new catastrophes and see restarted, as if in a ritual, the same exercises of mobilization," Preval said.
I recommend Mamdani's critique of the "new humanitarian order," which focuses on Darfur, to all those who seek to lessen suffering without undermining the right to self-determination and dignity. He raises several troubling questions that could guide serious reflection on foreign aid, humanitarian assistance, and respect for dignity and sovereignty.













Preval's comments are actually a little ambiguous, for after a critique of charity, he calls for liberalization of trade. I doubt that Farmer wishes to endorse a neoliberal critique of aid to developing countries.
Farmer neglects to mention that Mamdani's critique of humanitarianism follows work by other anthropologists working at the interstices of politics, law, health, and so on, especially Dr. Didier Fassin, formerly of Doctors without Borders, who has also been noticing certain inchoate inequalities that structure the often implicit politics of humanitarian intervention: as when the lives of the humanitarian workers are prioritized over and above the lives of those they seek to aid. See:
http://publicculture.org/articles/volume_19_number_3/humanitarianism_po litics_life
Grizzly, I'd be interested in reading the content on the link you posted, but it does not work. Please repost.
Thanks!
Haiti got it bad, really bad. I am not hearing people talk about this as much as it should be talked about. I pray for the Haitians.
Hi Olives, Cut and paste the link, and delete the space between O and L in 'politics' that should work.
Have you ever wondered how much better our organizations would work if our communication was better. Our relief programs, our rescue and support teams, all would run more smoothly with correct information. Chris Burns wrote in "Deadly Decisions", just why these mistakes happen and how to fix it.
Deadly Decisions
http://www.deadly-decisions.com/
It seems to me that many of these issues are inherent in the structure and mission of humanitarian aid. There is an us and there is a them.How do we deliver aid without "delivering" aid? We cannot. All we can do is be aware of these issues at every step of the way and not allow them to lessen the humanity of those we seek to help with our superior resources: human and material. We must also recognize and learn from the particular knowledge and cultural riches the people in need possess, and minimize any bias in our work. We can work towards greater equity, but there will never be (wether or not there should be) an equality. That is, until our work is done.
Check out this interesting article in Health and Human Rights, an open access journal edited by Paul Farmer, among others. It concerns some of these very issues.
http://www.hhrjournal.org/index.php/hhr/article/view/21/112
Oh my God. Could it be possible that some of Haiti's problems are due to the way the Haitian government runs things? Is this concept so politically incorrect that it can never be considered? And what about the well educated and ambitious Haitians who leave Haiti for Miami and Boston? Would it perhaps be better for them to stay and help their country rather than have the NGOs flood in and take their place?